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EVERYONE LOVES AMERICAN movies. Well, almost everyone. China's effort to derail two films about the Dalai Lama, 'Kundun,' directed by Martin Scorsese, and 'Seven Years in Tibet,' starring Brad Pitt, suggests that Beijing was not happy about American efforts to lionize Tibet's spiritual leader. But China is hardly alone.

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In recent months, several American films have come under savage attack by foreign governments, religious sects, nationalist parties or outraged intellectuals and other critics who assail movies that Hollywood considers as American as apple pie. Some foreigners, it seems, hate apples or pie. And while American studios are willing to antagonize foreigners by making movies about controversial political events or figures -- films like 'Michael Collins' or 'Evita' -- they often fail to anticipate the furor stirred up by such seemingly innocent films as 'Babe' and 'Independence Day.'

Jan 26, 1997. Referring to Oliver Stone's critically acclaimed but controversial film. Pollock, could have predicted that 'Babe,' the family movie that.

'Even some of us who make movies underestimate their influence abroad,' said Irwin Winkler, who has produced huge hits like 'Rocky' and 'Raging Bull.' 'American movies sell American culture. Foreigners want to see American movies. But that's also why so many foreign governments and groups object to them.'

Despite protests, censorship and campaigns to suppress American films, however, several of these movies have drawn record audiences and are making huge profits abroad. And it is these profits rather than moral principle that best insure Hollywood's willingness to continue producing such films, industry experts agree.

Consider 'Independence Day,' the American blockbuster that has taken in over $466 million worldwide. It is expected to make more money at the box office than the entire slate of films released last year by Universal, Paramount and Sony combined, according to Tom Pollock, the former chairman of MCA/Universal and the current chairman of the American Film Institute. To 20th Century Fox executives, it seemed an unobjectionable, sure-fire hit given its politically correct themes and multicultural cast of characters. In the action thriller, an affable baby boomer President and a quirky, ecologically inclined Jewish computer scientist join forces with a black fighter pilot to thwart an alien invasion of earth.

One might think that wide-screen images of the aliens' annihilation of the White House, Manhattan and Los Angeles in less than 15 minutes of gory celluloid would exhilarate America's foreign enemies. But Hezbollah, the Lebanese Shiite Muslim radicals who accuse the 'great Satan' of fomenting conspiracies against Arabs and Muslims throughout the Middle East, despises the film almost as much as it does America.

Last fall, Hezbollah, or the Party of God, issued a statement calling the film 'propaganda for the so-called genius of the Jews and their alleged concern for humanity.' Warning Muslim believers to boycott the movie, which was directed by Roland Emmerich, who is not Jewish but German, Hezbollah reminded fellow Muslims that paying money to see the the film would 'reward the bloodsuckers of Qana,' a reference to Israel (which bombed Qana, a U.N. camp in Lebanon), and Israel's protector, the United States.

But according to a Fox executive who keeps track of international sales, Hezbollah's warning did not hurt box office revenues in Lebanon, which has an estimated four million people. Quite the contrary. Between Sept. 20 and Dec. 12, the executive said, some 98,000 people went to see 'Independence Day' in Lebanon; the film grossed almost $600,000 -- an impressive showing for any film. By contrast, the film took in about $670,000 in Egypt, which has a population of 60 million. The only other Middle Eastern country in which the film fared better than in Lebanon was Israel, where it grossed $4.7 million.

Moreover, not a single violent incident was reported during the film's 12-week run in Lebanon or anyplace else in the Middle East, the executive said. In fact, several of the film's leading actors, including Jeff Goldblum, who plays the computer scientist, were unaware that Hezbollah had issued its political version of a fatwa, a religious ruling, against the film.

'I respect anyone's religion,' Mr. Goldblum said in an interview, 'but I think Hezbollah has missed the point: the film is not about American Jews saving the world; it's about teamwork among people of different religions and nationalities to defeat a common enemy.' Hezbollah's anti-Jewish crusade, he added, 'does not sit well with me.'

The film whose politics seemed so innocuous to its American producers, however, did not sit well with Lebanon's censors either. Before it was released in Beirut, the Interior Ministry's Public Security Department eliminated several scenes. The censors cut one in which Judd Hirsch, who plays Mr. Goldblum's gemutlich, Yiddish-spouting father, puts on a yarmulke as he leads White House officials and soldiers in a Hebrew prayer; another showed Israeli troops alongside Arab soldiers as they prepared to fight the aliens.

Although Fox has not distributed the videocassette of the film in Lebanon, journalists there said that pirated cassettes were also selling briskly in Beirut. Cassettes are also in demand in Teheran, whose austere Islamic regime bans most American-made movies. But virtually all American films are available through underground video clubs in Iran, where 'Baywatch,' incidentally, is quite popular. Banning films in such authoritarian states, like banning books in Boston, is great for business.

An Irish Hero

Another American-financed political film that has generated fierce debate in Ireland and Britain is 'Michael Collins,' directed by Neil Jordan, an Irishman. The film chronicles the life and death at age 31 of the man who masterminded the ruthless Irish Republican Army campaign to break Britain's hold over its obstreperous colony. Since its release last fall, the film has spent several weeks as No. 1 at the box office in Ireland. But less predictably, it is also doing well in England, where films with Irish nationalist themes usually do poorly.

Attacks have come from prominent British and Irish critics alike, among them Eoghan Harris, an Irish political columnist and screenwriter who, in the pages of Rupert Murdoch's conservative Irish edition of The Sunday Times, called Mr. Jordan's chronicle of the man widely regarded as a founder of 20th-century terrorism 'bad history, bad morals and bad art.'

'If our media and academics were not so numbed by nationalism, they would see the movie is racist,' Mr. Harris wrote in November in one of his many attacks. The film's unmistakable political message, he added, was that all Brits were bad.

Critics warned that the film might complicate efforts to renew the 1994 cease-fire in Northern Ireland, which broke down last year just as several films with I.R.A. themes were about to be released. Others warned that painting Collins as a hero might encourage greater intransigence on the part of Gerry Adams, the leader of Sinn Fein, the political wing of the I.R.A. It was an I.R.A. faction that ended the cease-fire that had brought Northern Ireland two years of calm.

The staunchly unionist London Daily Telegraph demanded last fall that the film's distributor, Warner Brothers, withdraw 'Michael Collins.' Warner refused, of course.

Even critics now concede that 'Michael Collins' has not become a recruitment film for the I.R.A. Nor has it apparently changed many minds in either country.

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Unlike Americans, Irish and English audiences have flocked to the film. The film has grossed just under $10 million in the United States, a lackluster performance given a cast headed by Liam Neeson and Julia Roberts. Perhaps the movie fared poorly in America because, as noted by Michael Dwyer, a journalist with The Irish Times, it portrayed what James Joyce called 'our dear, dirty Dublin,' rather than the 'stereotypical images that Americans, Irish-Americans in particular, lap up -- the folksy, quaint Ireland with people singing, dancing, and drinking a lot.'

By contrast, the film has so far made $4.8 million in England and $5.9 million in Ireland, surpassing 'Jurassic Park' as the most popular film ever released there. 'There is no doubt that the controversy generated interest,' said Nancy Carson, director of Warner's International Theatrical Distribution.

The film's popularity with British audiences is more difficult to understand. Mr. Harris, in an interview, attributed it to what he called a 'sadomasochistic streak' in the British, who increasingly relish 'guilt trips' about England's colonial history. But Stephen Woolley, the film's producer, said it reflected a healthy desire among the British to learn about, and come to grips with, their past.

An Argentine Saint

Several American movies that touch on sensitive political themes have been attacked well before they opened. One of those is 'Evita,' starring Madonna, the movie version of Andrew Lloyd Webber's hit musical. Directed by Alan Parker, who is English, with a budget of more than $60 million, the film has caused a bitter debate in Argentina over whether the Material Girl is fit to play Eva Peron, the wife of Gen. Juan Domingo Peron, the populist strongman who dominated Argentine politics for nearly three decades. Eva Peron is, even in death, a national figure whom much of the nation adores. Opening on Christmas Day to mixed reviews in the United States, 'Evita' is likely to become the 'Michael Collins' of Argentina, attracting huge audiences and angry debate when it opens next month.

Meanwhile, a local, more patriotic film version of the saga, 'Eva Peron,' has already become a domestic 'box office sensation,' according to Variety. Starring Esther Goris, a popular actress in Argentina, as Evita, the film skims over the more scandalous aspects of the First Lady's rise to power, concentrating instead on the last two years before her death, in 1952. Opening in Argentina on Oct. 24, partly to pre-empt Mr. Parker's extravaganza, the film drew an impressive 90,000 viewers in its opening week. It has been selected as Argentina's entry for the Oscar for best foreign-language film and has already earned $300,000 in its first two months, according to Maria de la Paz Marino, the executive producer.

Ms. Marino said that although she had not yet seen the American film, Argentina owed the 'Evita' film makers gratitude. 'Now everyone in the world knows Evita, thanks in part to Alan Parker,' she said.

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Other Argentines have not been as charitable. When 'Evita' was being filmed on location in Buenos Aires last January, hard-line Peronistas greeted Madonna with placards and graffiti that read: 'Evita Lives! Madonna Out!' Several Congressional representatives presented resolutions calling for Madonna and Mr. Parker to be declared persona non grata. President Carlos Saul Menem, a Peronist, even told local newspapers that the musical was 'a libelous interpretation of Evita's life,' and that Madonna was 'unsuitable' for the role. While Madonna tried to woo Argentine public opinion in an interview with a local gossip magazine, much of the good will she generated evaporated in November when, in diary excerpts published in Vanity Fair magazine, she called Argentina an 'uncivilized' country with 'no gyms and no decent food.' Nor was President Menem thrilled, according to the Argentine press, by Madonna's description of him as a 'charming' leader with 'small feet' who 'dyes his hair black' and who kept looking at her bra strap.

Other Sacred Cows

Jack Valenti, president of the Motion Picture Association of America, said that controversy over political films was nothing new. President Charles de Gaulle of France, he noted, had banned 'Paths of Glory,' an American classic about a World War I mutiny within a French Army unit, starring Kirk Douglas and directed by Stanley Kubrick. 'The King and I,' the 1956 film rendition of the musical starring Yul Brynner and Deborah Kerr, has never been shown in Thailand, which is allergic to criticism of its kings. More recently, the military rulers of Myanmar, formerly known as Burma, succeeded in banning John Boorman's 'Beyond Rangoon,' which highlights the courage of the dissident and Nobel Prize winner Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.

In some movies, American film makers have intentionally taken political sides, hoping to rally public support for or against a cause and knowing that their work will be banned abroad. For instance, Hollywood promoted the pro-Israeli film 'Exodus,' starring Paul Newman. But it is likely to be a long time before American directors cast an American film hero as Yasir Arafat or Fidel Castro.

Mr. Pollock, of the film institute in Los Angeles, said that the attacks had to be seen in their cultural context. Virtually every country except the United States censors films, he said. 'England did not release 'Natural Born Killers' for six months because of concern about the film's violence,' he said, referring to Oliver Stone's critically acclaimed but controversial film about a pair of maniacal lovebirds who become celebrities through their mass murders. 'Germany, too, has become increasingly opposed to violence in films.'

Asian nations censor less for violence than they do for sexually offensive material, particularly films with substantial nudity, Mr. Pollock said. Other states censor to protect religious sensitivities. Muslim Asian nations were particularly uncomfortable with American films deemed disparaging to Islam. In 'True Lies,' the popular Arnold Schwarzenegger thriller, for example, the director James Cameron agreed to turn the Arab terrorists in the film into non-Arabs. He also changed the name of the group to avoid the impression that the terrorists were conducting a jihad, an Islamic holy war.

'There is nothing wrong with being sensitive to other nations' concerns and sensitivities,' Mr. Pollock said.

Governments often cite religious or cultural objections to a film, however, as pretexts for their political discomfort. 'It is ludicrous to believe that Egypt or other Arab countries banned 'Schindler's List' because of its presumed salacious content and sexual thrill,' said Annette Insdorf, director of undergraduate film studies at Columbia University, referring to Steven Spielberg's film about the Holocaust, which won the Academy Award for best picture. 'They banned it because they feared it would evoke sympathy for Israel.'

Sensitivity, moreover, is sometimes carried to ludicrous extremes, blind-siding American film makers. No one at Universal, said Mr. Pollock, could have predicted that 'Babe,' the family movie that featured a lovable talking pig, would initially be banned in Malaysia because of the Islamic prohibition on eating pork.

Some American film makers fear that as foreign revenues become increasingly important to overall profitability -- for major American studio films last year, they exceeded gross domestic revenues, Variety reported -- concern about offending local audiences will grow.

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But that seems unlikely as long as the foreign box office responds positively to controversy. 'I have not seen any shrinkage of willingness by American film makers to make films on controversial topics or to succumb to those pressures,' Mr. Valenti said. 'That's reassuring.'